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6 Essential Things Every Renter and Developer Should Know About Low-Income Housing Tax Credits in 2026: Complete Program Guide
Author: Casey Foster
Published on: 2/2/2026|19 min read
Fact CheckedFact Checked
Author: Casey Foster|Published on: 2/2/2026|19 min read
Fact CheckedFact Checked

6 Essential Things Every Renter and Developer Should Know About Low-Income Housing Tax Credits in 2026: Complete Program Guide

Author: Casey Foster
Published on: 2/2/2026|19 min read
Fact CheckedFact Checked
Author: Casey Foster|Published on: 2/2/2026|19 min read
Fact CheckedFact Checked

Key Takeaways

  • The LIHTC program is the biggest federal program for affordable housing. It has $1.1 billion in national allocations for 2025, which will go up to $1.23 billion in 2026 because of a permanent 12% increase. From 1987 to 2023, it paid for 3.7 million housing units across 54,102 projects.
  • The 2026 program expansion permanently lowers the private activity bond financing threshold from 50% to 25% for 4% credits. This is expected to create 1.22 million more affordable homes over 10 years, bring in $71.4 billion in tax revenue, and support 1.83 million jobs.
  • Rent limits are set at 30% of either 50% or 60% of the area median income. 52.2% of LIHTC households earn at or below 30% AMI, and 67.8% earn 40% AMI or less, which goes against claims. The program is mostly for renters with higher incomes.
  • Developers can get 9% credits for new construction and rehabilitation projects that don't use bond financing, or they can get 4% credits automatically if they pay for at least 25% of the project's costs with tax-exempt bonds starting in 2026, down from the previous 50% requirement.
  • To be eligible, renters must make less than 50% or 60% of the area's median income, depending on the size of their family. There is no citizenship requirement, but credit reports, rental history, criminal background checks, and employment verification can all affect whether an application is approved.

A family called our office completely overwhelmed because they'd been on a waiting list for affordable housing for eighteen months. They had no idea why the wait was so long, what LIHTC even meant, or whether they were applying for the right programs. The mom worked full-time as a medical assistant, the dad drove for a delivery service, and together they earned about $48,000 with two kids. They weren't struggling because they were unemployed or made poor choices. They were struggling because market-rate rents in their area ran $2,200 for a two-bedroom apartment, which would eat up 55% of their monthly income before taxes.

The Low-Income Housing Tax Credit program, created by the Tax Reform Act of 1986, isn't actually a program that puts money in your pocket as a renter. It's a federal tax credit that incentivizes private developers and property owners to build or rehabilitate rental housing specifically for families like the one I just mentioned. According to HUD's 2025 data, the program has placed 3.7 million affordable housing units in service across 54,102 properties since inception, making it by far the largest source of subsidized affordable rental housing in United States history.

Think of it like this: instead of the government directly building apartment complexes like they did in the mid-20th century with public housing projects, LIHTC leverages private sector investment. Developers get dollar-for-dollar federal tax credits over 10 years if they agree to keep a percentage of their units affordable for low-income families for at least 30 years. The developers sell those tax credits to investors to obtain upfront capital, which helps finance construction or renovation costs that wouldn't pencil out financially if they could only charge below-market rents.

Here's why understanding this matters for both renters and developers in 2026. Congress just passed legislation permanently expanding the program by 12% starting January 1, 2026, increasing annual national allocation from $1.1 billion in 2025 to approximately $1.23 billion. According to Novogradac's October 2025 analysis, this expansion combined with lowering the bond financing threshold is projected to finance 1.22 million additional affordable homes over the next decade, support 1.83 million jobs, generate $206.6 billion in wages and business income, and add $71.4 billion in tax revenue.

For renters, this expansion means more affordable units coming available over the next several years, though wait times remain significant in high-demand markets. For developers, it means more tax credit allocation authority to make projects financially feasible. Our team has been working with families navigating this system for years, and I can tell you the biggest challenge is that most people don't understand how it works, what they're eligible for, or why securing housing takes so long.

Understanding LIHTC: What It Is and How It Works

The Fundamental Structure

The Low-Income Housing Tax Credit gives state and local housing agencies approximately $10.5 billion in annual budget authority to issue tax credits for acquisition, rehabilitation, or new construction of rental housing targeted to lower-income households according to HUD's program description. But here's what that actually means in practice.

Each state receives annual LIHTC allocation authority based on population. For 2025, states receive $3.00 per person according to IRS Notice 2025-18, with a minimum small-population state allocation of $3,455,000. Starting in 2026, the per-capita multiplier increases to $3.05 due to the permanent 12% expansion under the One Big Beautiful Bill Act, as reported by VisaVerge's October 2025 analysis.

The 2025 national LIHTC allocation totals $1.1 billion, representing a 4.9% or $49.6 million increase from 2024 according to Novogradac's April 2025 population analysis. This increase results from both population growth and the inflated per-capita multiplier. Eight states receive the small-state minimum allocation: Alaska, Delaware, Montana, North Dakota, Rhode Island, South Dakota, Vermont, and Wyoming, along with the District of Columbia and four US territories including American Samoa, Guam, Northern Mariana Islands, and US Virgin Islands.

Two Types of Tax Credits: 9% and 4%

LIHTC comes in two flavors, and understanding the difference matters if you're a developer trying to figure out which path to pursue or a renter trying to understand why some properties have more units available than others.

The so-called 9% credit, according to Congressional Research Service documentation, is generally reserved for new construction and rehabilitation projects not utilizing certain additional federal subsidies, and was originally intended to deliver up to a 70% subsidy of eligible project costs. The actual credit rate fluctuates based on Treasury formulas tied to interest rates, but Congress established a 9% floor to ensure developers can rely on consistent subsidy levels regardless of market conditions.

Developers receive annual tax credits equal to roughly 9% of the project's eligible basis for 10 years. Eligible basis includes construction costs, certain acquisition costs, and other qualified expenditures, but excludes land costs. A project with $10 million in eligible basis would receive approximately $900,000 in annual tax credits for 10 years, totaling $9 million over the credit period.

The 4% credit is automatically available to projects financed with at least 25% of their aggregate basis using qualified private activity bonds starting in 2026, according to Nixon Peabody's July 2025 legal analysis. This represents a significant reduction from the previous 50% threshold under prior law. The 4% credit was originally intended to deliver up to a 30% subsidy of eligible costs.

Here's the practical difference. According to Illinois Housing Development Authority's program overview, IHDA awards 9% credits through competitive rounds with limited allocation authority, meaning developers submit applications scored against state-specific qualified allocation plans. Only the highest-scoring projects receive awards. The 4% credits, by contrast, are essentially automatic for projects meeting the bond financing threshold, though developers still must demonstrate project feasibility and regulatory compliance.

Who Benefits From LIHTC and How Many People It Serves

Tenant Demographics and Income Levels

Let me be straight with you about who actually lives in LIHTC properties, because there's a lot of misinformation suggesting the program primarily serves people at the higher end of the low-income spectrum rather than the families who need it most.

According to Novogradac's August 2023 analysis of HUD tenant data, 52.2% of renter households residing in LIHTC homes earned at or below 30% of area median income during 2021. Nearly 67.8% of households earned 40% of AMI or less. This data definitively proves that LIHTC serves extremely low-income and very low-income families, not just moderate-income households.

Let's translate those percentages into actual dollars to understand what we're really talking about. A family of three in Louisville where I'm based has an area median income of approximately $72,400 based on 2025 HUD figures. Thirty percent of that AMI equals $21,720 annual income, or roughly $1,810 per month gross. Remember, that's before taxes, before groceries, before transportation, before everything else. More than half of LIHTC residents are surviving on that or less.

The 2021 tenant data from HUD covers more than 2.4 million LIHTC homes, up 27,971 homes from 2020. The Housing Economic and Recovery Act of 2008 requires state agencies to submit demographic and economic data on LIHTC tenants to HUD annually, providing comprehensive insights into who the program serves.

Household composition reflects states' use of LIHTC to address affordable housing shortages for specific populations. As of 2022, approximately 30% of households included at least one child under age 18. An estimated 12% of households had at least one disabled member. As the population has aged, the share of senior members has changed as well, with 37% of households in 2022 having a member age 62 or older according to Fannie Mae's July 2024 multifamily affordable housing commentary.

The Scale of the Program

HUD's April 2025 database update shows 54,102 projects and 3.7 million housing units placed in service between 1987 and 2023. That database also added 534 projects and 45,830 units placed in service between 1987 and 2022 that weren't included in previous updates. Data for properties placed in service in 2024 will be collected in fall 2025 and added to the database in spring 2026.

According to the ACTION Campaign data cited by the National Multifamily Housing Council, between inception in 1986 and 2023 the LIHTC program financed 4 million apartments and served approximately 9.28 million households. This development supported 6.6 million jobs for one year while generating $746.5 billion in wages and business income and $268.1 billion in federal, state, and local tax revenue.

Urban Institute's May 2025 analysis found that between 2000 and 2019, approximately 25% of all new apartments built nationwide were supported at least in part through LIHTC. The highest levels occurred between 2003 and 2005 when LIHTC completions exceeded typical trends, and between 2010 and 2012 when national unsubsidized multifamily completions were lower than usual due to the Great Recession.

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The 2026 Program Expansion: What Changed and Why It Matters

Permanent 12% Allocation Increase

The One Big Beautiful Bill Act, passed by Congress in late 2025 and awaiting presidential signature as of publication, permanently increases annual Housing Credit allocation by 12% beginning January 1, 2026 according to VisaVerge's October 2025 reporting. This represents the largest federal expansion of the LIHTC program in decades and reverses a temporary increase that expired after 2021.

The per-capita federal multiplier rises from $3.00 in 2025 to $3.05 in 2026 for calculating state ceilings. Combined with continued population growth, this pushes national allocation from $1.1 billion in 2025 to approximately $1.23 billion in 2026. The small-state minimum increases proportionally from $3,455,000 to approximately $3,870,000.

Industry advocacy groups including the National Council of State Housing Agencies and National Multifamily Housing Council strongly supported this expansion. The multifamily industry's fact sheet notes that 11.34 million renter households spend more than half their income on rent, demonstrating the critical need for increased affordable housing production.

Lowered Bond Financing Threshold for 4% Credits

The 2026 legislation permanently lowers the private activity bond financing threshold from 50% to 25% for bonds issued after December 31, 2025 according to Nixon Peabody's July 2025 legal analysis. This change dramatically expands 4% credit availability.

Under prior law, a project could qualify for 4% credits for all of its qualified basis if 50% or more of the aggregate basis of the building and land was financed with qualified private activity bonds. Note that while the credit is calculated based solely on eligible basis, passing the 50% test required looking at percentage of total aggregate basis including land.

The new law reduces this requirement to just 25% aggregate basis financed with PABs, provided at least 5% of aggregate basis is financed by PABs issued after December 31, 2025. The use of the term 'issue date of which is after December 31, 2025' indicates that PABs financing at least 5% of aggregate basis must be newly issued after 2025. Simply drawing down undisbursed portions of 2025 PABs in 2026 won't meet the requirement.

Here's why this matters. As Novogradac's April 2025 PAB cap scarcity analysis shows, 35 states plus the District of Columbia are currently oversubscribed or at parity for rental housing PAB cap use, representing an increase of three states over May 2024. By reducing the PAB threshold from 50% to 25%, states can stretch their limited PAB allocation across more projects, unlocking deals that previously couldn't secure sufficient bond financing.

Projected Impact Through 2034

Novogradac estimates the combined effect of the 12% allocation increase and 25% bond threshold reduction will finance approximately 1.22 million additional affordable homes over the next ten years. The effort could support 1.83 million jobs, generate $206.6 billion in wages and business income, and add $71.4 billion in tax revenue over the decade according to their October 2025 projections.

Congressional Research Service estimates that prior to enactment of the One Big Beautiful Bill Act, the LIHTC program cost the government an average of $14.4 billion annually. Changes made by the law are estimated to reduce federal tax revenues by an additional $39 million in 2026 and by $4.0 billion in 2034 as the expansion fully phases in.

States are currently updating 2026 Qualified Allocation Plans while awaiting IRS procedural guidance on implementation. Housing agencies, developers, and local governments say the expansion will open more deals that stalled in higher-cost markets while giving small and rural states a modest lift through the yearly population-based formula.

How Developers Qualify for LIHTC

The Income Tests: Three Ways to Qualify

If you're a developer considering LIHTC financing, understanding the income tests is critical because your project must pass at least one of these tests for a minimum of 15 years, though many state housing agencies extend compliance to 30 years according to Tax Policy Center documentation.

The first option requires that at least 20% of the project's units must be occupied by tenants making 50% or less of the area median income after adjustment for family size. This represents the strictest income restriction but requires setting aside the smallest percentage of units.

The second option requires that at least 40% of the project's units must be occupied by tenants making 60% or less of AMI after adjustment for family size. This allows slightly higher tenant incomes but requires setting aside a larger share of units.

The third option, added more recently through income averaging provisions, requires that at least 40% of the project's units must be occupied by tenants making 60% or less of AMI after adjustment for family size, and no units are occupied by tenants with income greater than 80% of AMI. This option provides more flexibility to serve mixed-income populations while still maintaining affordability requirements.

States allocate credits through qualified allocation plans that typically prioritize projects serving very low-income families or providing affordable housing for longer than the minimum 30-year period. According to Illinois Housing Development Authority, LIHTC accounts for approximately 90% of all affordable rental housing created in the United States today and is the most successful affordable housing tool in most states.

The Gross Rent Test: Limiting What Landlords Can Charge

The gross rent test places hard caps on rent that property owners can charge. Rent must remain below 30% of either 50% or 60% of AMI depending on the percentage of units designated for low-income residents in the property according to Congressional Research Service guidelines.

Let me show you how this works with real numbers. If area median income for a family of three is $50,000, then 50% of AMI equals $25,000. To meet the gross rent test, the property cannot charge more than 30% of $25,000, which equals $7,500 in annual rent or $625 per month. This represents the maximum gross rent, meaning it includes utilities if tenants pay them separately.

According to Fannie Mae's July 2024 analysis using Moody's CRE data, LIHTC rents are most affordable in major coastal cities. In West Coast cities such as Los Angeles, Riverside, and Oakland, the average asking rent for LIHTC units as of first quarter 2024 was approximately half of average market rent. In East Coast cities such as Philadelphia, Boston, and Tampa, LIHTC rents were about 60% or less of market-rate rents.

However, variation exists among metros. In Midwestern metros such as St. Louis, Columbus, and Indianapolis, the average rent for a LIHTC unit can reach up to three-quarters of the average rent for a market-rate unit. Nevertheless, this still represents significant discount from market rate rents.

The Competitive Allocation Process

For 9% credits, developers face highly competitive state-run allocation rounds. According to Washington State Housing Finance Commission's 2026 program timeline posted July 2025, the 9% allocation process evaluates and scores projects according to established criteria including location, tenant population served, financing efficiency, development team experience, and community support.

Projects receive points across multiple categories. States typically prioritize developments in qualified census tracts or difficult development areas, projects serving extremely low-income households, properties with supportive services for special needs populations, developments promoting energy efficiency and green building standards, and locations with access to jobs, schools, and public transportation.

Massachusetts Housing Finance Agency's 2025-2026 draft QAP establishes limits on per-unit and per-project state LIHTC requests. While HLC may entertain exceptions, sponsors should generally limit state credit requests based on project scale and characteristics. During 2025 and 2026, HLC reserves the right to limit each sponsor to no more than one state credit award per year to spread allocation across multiple developers.

Eligible Property Types

LIHTC supports various property types including single-family homes, multi-family homes, apartment complexes, townhouses, and duplexes. This flexibility allows states to address affordable housing needs across different market contexts and tenant populations.

Most LIHTC projects are large multifamily apartment complexes because the per-unit costs and compliance requirements make smaller developments less economically feasible. According to HUD's property database, projects range from small four-unit buildings to developments with hundreds of apartments.

How Renters Can Access LIHTC Housing

Income Qualification Requirements

Okay, so here's something that catches families off guard. You need to earn less than specific income limits to qualify, but you also can't earn too little in many cases because landlords want assurance you can pay rent consistently.

Income limits vary by area median income and household size. A single person in a high-cost area like San Francisco faces different limits than a family of four in a lower-cost area like Louisville. HUD publishes income limits annually for every metropolitan statistical area and county in the United States.

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For example, if you're applying for a unit restricted to households at 60% AMI and the local AMI for your household size is $60,000, you must earn $36,000 or less annually to qualify. Some properties have units at different income tiers - some at 30% AMI, some at 50% AMI, and some at 60% AMI. You must match your income to units at your qualifying level.

There's no requirement that you be a United States citizen to qualify for LIHTC housing. These properties look primarily at income when determining eligibility. However, property managers will verify your income through pay stubs, tax returns, and direct employer contact.

The Application Process

Finding LIHTC properties starts with HUD's online search tool at hud.gov/hud-partners/housing-national-agencies. You can also contact 888-995-HOPE for access to housing counseling services that help locate available properties in your area.

Only properties with available units or open waitlists accept applications. Even if you find a perfect property, you may not be able to apply if their waitlist is closed. Third-party services like AffordableHousingOnline.com offer assistance with learning when applications open, so if you really want to live in a specific property, consider using these tracking tools.

The application requires extensive documentation including employment history showing job stability and income sources, income verification through pay stubs and tax returns, age verification, rental history including previous addresses and landlord references, eviction records if any exist, criminal background information, number of people in your household, and references to verify accuracy of information.

Just breathe, I know gathering all this takes time. Keep in mind that providing false information leads to automatic rejection. If you have a disability and struggle to fill out the application, accommodations to help apply are available through the Fair Housing Act.

Common Disqualifiers

Meeting income requirements is necessary but not sufficient for approval. Several factors can disqualify otherwise eligible applicants.

Poor credit history, primarily late payments, results in many denials. Property managers want assurance you'll pay rent on time. A few late credit card payments from years ago won't automatically disqualify you, but a pattern of consistently missing payments raises red flags. Poor rental history including missed rent payments or evictions creates major obstacles. Property managers view past rental performance as the best predictor of future behavior.

Lying or providing false information on the application, especially falsifying income records, leads to immediate disqualification and potential fraud charges. Criminal history may disqualify you depending on the offense, recency, and property policies. Drug-related felonies within the past few years typically result in denial, though policies vary by property and state law.

According to our experience working with applicants, the families most often surprised by denials are those who met income requirements but had credit issues or rental history problems they didn't realize were in their files. Pull your credit report and rental history before applying so you know what landlords will see.

Waiting Lists and Timeline Expectations

Let me be straight with you. Getting into LIHTC housing takes patience. Wait times vary dramatically by property and market, ranging from weeks to years.

Popular properties in high-demand urban markets may have waiting lists stretching 18-24 months or longer. Properties in less competitive markets might have units available within weeks or months. The only way to know is to contact specific properties and ask about current wait times.

When you're placed on a waitlist, write down your confirmation number and place on the list, keeping this record safe. Check your status periodically to ensure you remain on the waitlist and to see if your number moves up. Update your application immediately if details change such as income increases or decreases, household composition changes, or contact information updates. Properties reach out to applicants for additional information, so respond to these requests as quickly as possible.

If your application is denied, most programs offer appeals processes with instructions included in the denial letter. Usually you'll need to schedule a hearing with the housing program to discuss your application and the denial reason. After the hearing, your denial may be sustained or overturned, giving you access to an affordable unit or placing you on a waitlist.

Understanding Rent and Affordability in LIHTC Properties

How Rents Are Calculated

LIHTC rent calculations follow strict formulas based on area median income and household size. The maximum rent cannot exceed 30% of the applicable AMI percentage.

Utility allowances complicate the calculation. If tenants pay their own utilities, those costs reduce the amount landlords can charge in base rent. For example, if the maximum gross rent is $750 and the utility allowance is $150, the landlord can only charge $600 in base rent.

State housing agencies publish utility allowance schedules annually, typically varying by unit size and utility type. A one-bedroom apartment's allowance differs from a three-bedroom unit because larger units consume more energy for heating and cooling.

Rental Assistance Layering

Many LIHTC tenants receive additional rental assistance that makes housing even more affordable. According to Novogradac's analysis of 2021 HUD data, 40.2% of LIHTC residents received some form of rental assistance.

The most common federal rental assistance in LIHTC properties was HUD Project-Based Rental Assistance at 22.4% of residents, followed by HUD Housing Choice Vouchers at 18.2%. While 40% of LIHTC households receive rental assistance to better afford their homes, more LIHTC homes are financed each year that remain affordable to extremely low-income households even without rental assistance.

Project-based assistance attaches to specific units rather than following tenants. If you move out, you lose the assistance. Housing choice vouchers, by contrast, are tenant-based and move with you to qualifying properties. This flexibility makes vouchers more valuable for families who may need to relocate for employment or other reasons.

Comparing LIHTC Rents to Market Rates

The discount LIHTC provides varies significantly by market. According to Fannie Mae's analysis, West Coast markets offer the deepest discounts with LIHTC rents around 50% of market rates. East Coast markets provide 40% discounts, while Midwestern markets see smaller but still substantial 25% discounts.

These differences reflect the relationship between area median incomes and market rents. In expensive coastal markets, market rents far exceed what moderate-income families can afford, creating larger gaps between LIHTC caps and market rates. In more affordable Midwestern markets, market rents sit closer to LIHTC caps, resulting in smaller percentage discounts.

Strategic Takeaways for Renters and Developers

The 2026 LIHTC expansion represents the most significant program enhancement in decades. For renters, this means more affordable units entering the market over the next 5-10 years as projects financed with expanded allocation complete construction. However, current waitlists remain long, and patience combined with aggressive application strategies offer the best path to securing housing.

For developers, the 12% allocation increase and lowered 25% bond threshold unlock previously infeasible projects, particularly in high-cost markets where financing gaps prevented development. States will update qualified allocation plans throughout 2025 and early 2026, so staying engaged with state housing finance agencies is critical for understanding new scoring criteria and funding priorities.

Renters should apply to multiple properties simultaneously rather than waiting for one property's waitlist to move. Maintain organized records of all income documentation, rental history, and references so you can respond quickly when applications open. Consider properties in neighboring communities or slightly outside your preferred area to increase options.

Developers should begin conversations with state agencies now about 2026 allocation rounds. Projects serving extremely low-income households, located in opportunity zones or qualified census tracts, and incorporating supportive services will likely receive priority scoring. The reduced bond threshold means projects previously struggling to meet 50% requirements now have much better prospects.

The program isn't perfect. Lafayette Square Institute's August 2025 LIHTC Dashboard identifies over 400,000 housing units at risk of losing affordability restrictions that expire within 10 years and are located in neighborhoods where rents will likely increase and become unaffordable for lower-income families. This suggests that while LIHTC creates new affordable housing, maintaining long-term affordability remains challenging once compliance periods expire.

Understanding LIHTC empowers both renters seeking affordable housing and developers considering projects that serve this critical market segment. The program's 40-year track record demonstrates its effectiveness, and the 2026 expansion ensures it will continue serving millions of American families for decades to come.

Frequently Asked Questions

The Tax Reform Act of 1986 set up the Low-Income Housing Tax Credit, which is a federal tax incentive program that encourages private developers and investors to build or fix up affordable rental housing for families with low incomes. The program gives developers dollar-for-dollar federal income tax credits if they agree to set aside some of their rental units for families with incomes below certain levels, usually 50% or 60% of the area median income, for at least 30 years. Developers get tax credits every year for ten years. They usually sell these credits to big companies so they can get money up front for building or remodeling costs. The IRS runs the program by giving credits to states based on their population. For example, in 2025, each state will get $3.00 per person, and in 2026, that amount will go up to $3.05 because of new laws. After that, state housing finance agencies give these credits to developers through competitive processes or automatic allocation for projects that meet bond financing thresholds. HUD says that the program has paid for 3.7 million affordable housing units in 54,102 projects since 1987. This makes it the biggest source of affordable rental housing in the US. According to Novogradac's analysis of 2021 HUD tenant data, 52.2% of LIHTC households earn at or below 30% of the area median income. This means that the program helps families with very low incomes. LIHTC properties offer renters rents that are lower than the market rate and capped at 30% of the applicable AMI percentage. This means that renters can save a lot of money compared to market-rate housing. The tax credits make it possible for developers to build projects that wouldn't be able to afford affordable rent levels while still covering construction and operating costs.

There is no one national income limit for all LIHTC housing. Instead, the limits depend on where the property is located, how many people live there, and what the property's income restrictions are. Every year, HUD releases area median income numbers for every metropolitan statistical area and county in the US, taking into account the size of the household. Properties must pass one of three income tests: at least 20% of units must be set aside for households with an average income of 50% AMI or less, at least 40% of units must be set aside for households with an average income of 60% AMI or less, or at least 40% of units must be set aside for households with an average income of 60% AMI with no households with an income of 80% AMI or more. If the median income for a family of three in your area is $72,000 and you're applying for a unit that is only open to people with 60% AMI, your household income can't be more than $43,200 a year. A single person in the same area who makes 50% AMI would need to make $30,000 or less. Income comes from all sources, including wages, salaries, tips, social security benefits, disability payments, child support, alimony, unemployment compensation, pension income, investment income, and any other regular sources of money. Property managers check income by looking at recent pay stubs that cover at least one month, federal tax returns from the last one or two years, W-2 or 1099 forms, social security benefits statements, bank statements that show deposits, and letters from employers that confirm employment and salary. People who work seasonally, are self-employed, or have income that changes from month to month need to provide more documents. Every spring, HUD publishes new income limits that properties must use for new certifications and recertifications. These limits usually go into effect on April 1. You can find the income limits for your area by going to HUD's website and typing in your county and household size. Remember that income limits are the highest amounts you can make and still qualify. To qualify, you must make less than these amounts. However, some properties prefer tenants whose income is enough to comfortably pay rent, usually requiring monthly income of at least 2.5 to 3 times the monthly rent amount.

The 9% and 4% Low-Income Housing Tax Credits are two different ways for developers to get money for affordable housing. They have very different ways of giving out credits, credit amounts, financing requirements, and competitive processes. The 9% credit, also known as the 70% present value credit, gives tax credits equal to about 9% of a project's eligible basis each year for 10 years. This adds up to about 90% of the eligible costs over the credit period. These credits are only for new construction and big renovation projects that don't get certain extra federal funds. State housing finance agencies give out 9% credits in very competitive annual rounds. The amount of credits they can give out is limited by the state's population. Developers send in applications that are scored based on qualified allocation plans. These plans look at things like where the project is located in qualified census tracts, how it will help very low-income households, how experienced the development team is, and how much support the community gives. Awards go only to the projects with the best scores. The Illinois Housing Development Authority says that credit competition is very high, and many qualified projects don't get any credits because there aren't enough of them. The 4% credit, which used to be called the 30% present value credit, gives annual tax credits equal to about 4% of a project's eligible basis for 10 years, which adds up to about 40% of the project's eligible costs. According to Nixon Peabody's analysis, these credits will automatically be available to projects that finance at least 25% of their total basis with qualified private activity bonds starting in 2026. This is down from the previous 50% threshold. Allocation is pretty much automatic for projects that meet the bond threshold, but developers still have to show that their projects are possible and follow the rules. The 4% path is good for acquisition-rehabilitation projects and developments that can get private activity bond financing. Many states have limited capacity for private activity bonds, and as of April 2025, 35 states and DC are either oversubscribed or at parity for rental housing PAB use. The 2026 threshold cut from 50% to 25% lets states use their limited bond authority on more projects. Both types of credit require projects to stay affordable for at least 30 years and pass tests on income and rent. Developers can more easily combine 4% credits with other subsidies than 9% credits, which can't be combined with some federal programs. The choice between 9% and 4% depends on the project's features, the availability of financing, the state's allocation priorities, and the developer's ability to compete in 9% rounds or get bond financing for 4% automatic allocation.

Federal rules say that tenants do not have to be U.S. citizens or have a certain immigration status to get LIHTC housing. So, yes, you can apply for LIHTC housing even if you are not a U.S. citizen. When deciding if a tenant is eligible for LIHTC properties, they mainly look at their income, not their citizenship status. They check to see if your household income is below the area median income thresholds. This is different from some other federal housing programs, such as Section 8 housing choice vouchers, which only allow US citizens and certain types of immigrants with valid immigration status to apply. LIHTC doesn't require citizenship because it is a tax credit for developers instead of direct help for tenants. Property owners who get tax credits must follow income and rent rules, but they don't have to be citizens like people who get direct rental assistance from HUD. But property managers will still check your identity, income, rental history, and background, no matter what your citizenship status is. To prove your identity, you will need to show a passport, consular ID, or other acceptable documents. To prove your income, you will need to show pay stubs and tax documents. To prove your rental history, you will need to get references from previous landlords. Finally, you will need to pass criminal background checks according to property policies. Some properties might ask for more proof from applicants who don't have a Social Security number or a credit history in the US. They might ask for other proof of financial responsibility and rental payment history. The Fair Housing Act protects people from discrimination based on their national origin, which means that properties can't turn down applications just because you're not a US citizen. However, they can use the same criteria for checking income, credit history, rental history, and background checks on all applicants, no matter what their citizenship status is. You can file complaints with HUD or your state's fair housing agency if you are discriminated against because of your immigration status or national origin. Remember that even though federal LIHTC rules don't require citizenship, some state or local affordable housing programs that use LIHTC may have extra requirements for eligibility. Always check the specific requirements for the property when you apply. LIHTC housing is an important resource for immigrant families and mixed-status households that can't afford market-rate housing, especially in expensive urban markets where there aren't many affordable options. This is because there are no citizenship barriers.

The time it takes to get approved for LIHTC housing can be anywhere from a few weeks to several years in high-demand markets. This depends on how many properties are available, how many people want them, how complete your application is, and how strong your qualifications are. Once you send in a complete application, the approval process usually takes 2 to 4 weeks for the first review and decision. Property managers check your income documents, your employment and rental history, your credit and criminal records, and your references. The real problem with the timeline, though, isn't the application review; it's waiting for a unit to become available. In cities where there aren't enough affordable homes, LIHTC properties often have waitlists that last 18 to 24 months or longer, based on our experience working with applicants. When properties in these markets reach their maximum capacity, they may close their waitlists completely. This means that no new applications can be accepted until the people on the waitlist find housing. In less competitive markets or for newly built properties, units may be available right away or within a few weeks or months of applying. You can only find out how long it will take to get a specific property by calling them directly and asking about current availability and the length of the waitlist. There are a number of things that affect where you are on a waitlist. Many properties use preferences to put some applicants ahead of others. For example, local residency preferences give priority to people who already live in the community, work there, or have kids who go to school there. Displacement preferences give priority to families who have to move because of government action, natural disasters, or domestic violence. People with special needs preferences help the elderly, disabled, or homeless. Veteran preferences give priority to people who served in the military. Because of these preferences, someone who applied before you may still get called for a unit first if they meet the requirements for preference categories. Also, properties usually give priority to applicants whose household size matches the unit size. For example, a family of four will be called for a three-bedroom unit before a couple without kids. Instead of waiting for one waitlist to move, apply to several properties at once. This will increase your chances of getting housing in a reasonable amount of time. Look at homes in nearby towns or just outside of the area you want to live in. If a property contacts you, respond right away because many of them have strict deadlines and need quick responses when units become available. Make sure that all the properties you've applied to have your up-to-date contact information. If you don't, you could lose your place. Keep your income records organized so that you can quickly provide updated proof when asked. To lower the chances of missing important messages, think about asking properties to call and email you. The Lafayette Square Institute's dashboard says that the LIHTC program has 3.15 million units across 48,000 properties in the US. However, in most markets, demand is much higher than supply. The 2026 program expansion will add capacity over time, but it is unlikely that people will be able to get off the waitlist right away because new projects take 2 to 3 years to build.

After LIHTC properties have been affordable for at least 30 years, there are a number of possible outcomes that will determine whether the units stay affordable or become market-rate housing. This makes it very uncertain for long-term residents and raises policy concerns about keeping the affordable housing stock. The basic rules say that there must be a 15-year initial compliance period during which properties must strictly follow income and rent limits to avoid losing tax credits. After that, there is a 15-year extended use period. But most state housing finance agencies need longer affordability periods, usually 30 to 50 years, through extended use agreements that are recorded as deed restrictions. The Lafayette Square Institute's August 2025 LIHTC Dashboard analysis says that more than 400,000 housing units will lose their affordability restrictions in the next 10 years. These units are in areas where rents are likely to go up a lot, making them too expensive for families with low incomes. This is a sign of a coming affordability crisis, as properties built in the late 1980s and early 1990s during LIHTC's first few years are about to reach the end of their compliance periods. When affordability limits end, property owners have a few choices. They can choose to keep rents low, but market pressures often make this choice less appealing, especially in neighborhoods that are becoming more upscale where market rents are much higher than LIHTC caps. They can sell to new owners who are dedicated to keeping the price low, which are often nonprofits or mission-driven groups. Some states and cities have "right of first refusal" programs that give buyers of affordable housing priority when owners want to sell. They can ask for more LIHTC money to fix up the property and reset the affordability clock for another 30 years. The 4% credit is especially helpful for projects that aim to preserve something. If there are no rules against it, they can change to market-rate housing. This lets owners take advantage of rising property values and rental income. This choice is the most likely to hurt the ability to keep things affordable. When affordability periods end, a number of things affect the results. The condition of the property determines whether major repairs are needed, which makes new LIHTC applications appealing. The state of the neighborhood's market affects whether owners can get much higher rents by switching to market-rate, which gives them more reasons to leave affordability programs. State and local policies that protect historic buildings, such as right of first refusal laws, qualified contract provisions, and preservation funding programs, can help keep homes affordable. Tenant protections differ from state to state. In some places, tenants can get help moving or rent stabilization if their homes become market-rate. The Urban Institute's May 2025 report says that LIHTC has been very good at making more affordable housing available, but keeping it that way over time is still hard without more policy changes. Some states have started preservation programs that include funding streams just for buying and fixing up LIHTC properties that are about to expire, technical help for nonprofits that want to buy properties for preservation, better scoring in allocation plans for preservation projects, and tax increment financing or other local subsidies to help with preservation. If you rent a property that is about to lose its affordability period, pay attention to notices from property management about changes in ownership or the program's status. If conversion to market-rate seems likely, contact local tenant organizations for help and support. If you have to move, look into other affordable housing options. Keep a careful record of your tenancy and rental payment history. The 2026 LIHTC expansion will help make new affordable housing, but keeping the existing LIHTC properties in good condition needs its own set of policies and resources to stop the loss of affordable units as older properties leave the program.

Yes, LIHTC properties can turn down applications based on credit scores, credit history, or other financial indicators as part of their tenant screening process. However, they must use the same screening criteria for all applicants, no matter what their protected class status is under fair housing laws. LIHTC is very different from Section 8 housing vouchers or public housing. This is because LIHTC is a direct government rental assistance program and has stricter screening rules. LIHTC gives tax credits to private property owners who then rent out the properties. These properties must meet certain affordable housing requirements, but the owners have a lot of freedom in choosing tenants as long as they follow fair housing laws. Property owners want to know that tenants will pay their rent on time and take care of their units, so credit and rental history are important factors to consider when screening tenants. Most LIHTC properties set a minimum credit score or look at credit reports for patterns of late payments, collections, bankruptcies, foreclosures, and unpaid debts. Minimum credit scores usually fall between 500 and 600, but some properties don't have strict minimums and look at applications as a whole. Properties also look at debt-to-income ratios, which usually mean that rent can't be more than 30% to 40% of gross monthly income to make sure it's affordable. Previous rental history is very important. Evictions, landlord judgments, or unpaid rental debts are common reasons for denial. Depending on the type of crime, how recent it was, and state laws about using criminal history in housing decisions, criminal background checks may disqualify applicants. But properties can't have blanket policies that automatically disqualify all applicants with a bad credit history, because this could lead to discrimination. HUD guidance suggests that each case be looked at separately, taking into account things like the circumstances surrounding the negative history, how long it has been since the negative events, proof of rehabilitation or better financial management, and things that made the situation worse, like medical emergencies or job loss that caused temporary financial problems. Some properties use alternative credit scoring for people with thin credit files. This means they look at things like rental payment history, utility payment records, and other non-traditional credit data. If you have trouble getting credit, think about using these tips to increase your chances of getting approved. Get your credit reports from all three major bureaus and carefully check them for mistakes. If you find any, dispute them through official channels. If you can, take care of any outstanding collections or judgments. Negative items that are resolved look better than ones that are still open. Write letters explaining any negative credit events, explaining what happened, and showing that you are now financially stable. Even if rent and utility payments don't show up on credit reports, you can show proof of a good payment history with things like canceled checks or letters from your landlord. If the properties allow it, think about applying with a co-signer or guarantor who has better credit. Look for properties that don't have strict score cutoffs but instead use holistic review. Show that you can still pay rent by showing that your income is stable and that you have a steady job history. Based on our work with applicants, many families who meet the LIHTC income requirements are shocked when their applications are denied because of credit problems they didn't know were in their files or thought were too old to matter. Most properties only look at credit from the last seven years, but big things like bankruptcies stay on your record longer. If your application is turned down because of your credit history, the property must send you adverse action notices that explain why and give you your rights to get free copies of the credit reports that were used to make the decision. After that, you can work on fixing the problems that were found before you reapply. Some properties have unofficial waiting periods, like not accepting new applications for a year after a bankruptcy discharge or two years after an eviction. Knowing the rules for each property ahead of time helps you send applications to properties where you're most likely to get approved based on your credit history.

LIHTC and Section 8 are two very different ways to help people find affordable housing. They have different ways of getting money, rules for who can live there, rent subsidies, and program management that affect how families can get housing and what protections they get. LIHTC is a tax credit program that gives private developers dollar-for-dollar federal tax credits over ten years that they can sell to investors for cash up front. This encourages developers to build or fix up affordable rental housing. Properties that get LIHTC must keep their affordability limits for 30 years. For qualified units, rents can't be more than 30% of the area median income. Tenants pay their landlords the actual LIHTC rent, which is less than the market rate. They don't get rental assistance payments; instead, they get lower rents. Housing Choice Vouchers and Project-Based Rental Assistance are the two main programs that make up Section 8. Housing Choice Vouchers are a type of rental assistance that helps tenants pay their rent. Families who qualify get vouchers that cover the difference between 30% of their income and the rent charged by participating landlords, up to fair market rent limits. Families find private housing that will accept vouchers and pay about 30% of their income toward rent. The voucher covers the rest. With Project-Based Rental Assistance, HUD pays the difference to property owners for specific properties where low-income families pay 30% of their income toward rent. There are big differences in the rules for who can join each program. LIHTC doesn't require citizenship, and people can only qualify if their income is less than 50% or 60% of the area's median income, depending on the property's rules. Property owners have a lot of freedom when it comes to requiring credit checks, criminal background checks, and rental history. Section 8 vouchers are only available to US citizens and qualified immigrants. To qualify, your income must be less than 50% of the area median income, and 75% of the vouchers go to families with incomes below 30% of the area median income. Property owners can't deny applicants based on credit or background issues unless they are serious offenses. Different rent structures make it possible for tenants to pay different amounts. LIHTC rents are set based on AMI caps, which means that a family making 30% AMI pays the same rent as a family making 60% AMI if both families qualify for the same unit. Without extra help with rent, this can make LIHTC too expensive for families with very low incomes. Section 8 sets rent based on the tenant's income, so families never pay more than about 30% of their income. This makes housing more affordable for families with the lowest incomes. According to Novogradac's study, 40.2% of LIHTC residents get extra help with their rent, such as vouchers or project-based help. This shows how programs often work together to help families with very low incomes. Different problems come up with waiting lists and availability. LIHTC properties only have a few units, and in competitive markets, there may be long waitlists. However, units are physically linked to specific properties that families can visit and check out. In some cases, housing authorities have closed to new applications for years, and families have to find landlords who will accept Section 8 vouchers, which can be hard in tight rental markets. The quality and location of the property are different. LIHTC developments are affordable housing that is either built from scratch or renovated. They are usually in neighborhoods with lower incomes, but some are also in neighborhoods with people of all income levels. Section 8 vouchers let families rent any property that meets the requirements in any area where landlords accept vouchers. This gives families more options in terms of where they can live, but it could also mean that low-income families are more likely to live in areas where vouchers are most common. LIHTC gives property owners upfront tax credit financing to build affordable units with set rents and tenant income requirements. However, owners are responsible for market risk and maintenance costs. Section 8 gives landlords steady rental income backed by HUD and very little risk of tenants not paying, but it also means more rules to follow, inspections to pass, and complicated paperwork. Both programs have problems when it comes to meeting housing affordability needs. The National Low Income Housing Coalition says that the US needs 7 million more affordable units to meet demand. The LIHTC and Section 8 programs together only help a small number of families who are eligible. The 2026 LIHTC expansion will help meet demand, but there is still a lot of unmet need. Families who can't afford housing should look into both LIHTC properties and Section 8 vouchers if they can get them. This gives them more choices. A lot of families are able to combine LIHTC housing with Section 8 vouchers. They use the voucher to lower their rent payment even more than LIHTC levels, which makes housing affordable for very low-income families.

LIHTC and public housing are two different generations of federal affordable housing policy. They have different ownership structures, funding methods, tenant populations, property quality, and long-term sustainability models. Public housing is rental housing that is owned and run by the government. Local public housing authorities build and manage it with money from the US Department of Housing and Urban Development. The federal government built most public housing between the 1930s and 1970s by giving money directly to builders and giving them money to keep the buildings running. Under federal rules, public housing authorities own properties, hire staff, keep buildings in good shape, choose tenants, collect rent, and handle evictions. Since the 1980s, the program has been underfunded for a long time. This has led to properties falling apart, maintenance being put off, and long waiting lists in many cities. LIHTC, which was created in 1986 when public housing construction basically stopped, uses tax credits to get private companies to invest. Private developers own LIHTC properties, get money by selling tax credits to investors, and run buildings with income and rent limits but not as much federal oversight as public housing authorities do. HUD data shows that the program built 3.7 million units across 54,102 projects from 1987 to 2023. This is a lot more than public housing has been built in the last few decades. Different programs have different numbers of tenants. Public housing is for families with very low incomes, most of whom earn less than 30% of the area's median income and have trouble paying their rent. Rents can't be more than 30% of a tenant's income, so even families with low incomes can afford them. LIHTC properties must set aside units for families with incomes below 50% or 60% of the area median income, depending on the property's income elections. On average, these properties serve a higher-income population, but 52.2% of LIHTC households still earn 30% or less of the area median income, according to data from 2021. LIHTC rents are set based on AMI caps instead of tenant income, which makes them less affordable for families with very low incomes who don't get any extra rental help. The quality and design of the property are very different. Public housing built in the middle of the 20th century often has large, high-density developments in low-income neighborhoods. The quality of these properties can range from well-kept to very bad, with some needing major repairs or even demolition. Cabrini-Green in Chicago and Pruitt-Igoe in St. Louis are two well-known public housing projects that became symbols of concentrated poverty and urban decay. LIHTC properties built more recently follow modern design standards, have mixed-income models that combine affordable and market-rate units, are built in a variety of neighborhoods, and have better construction quality because private developers want to keep property values high. But LIHTC also focuses on neighborhoods with lower incomes in many cities, and the quality of the properties depends on the developer's ability and ongoing property management. Patterns of geographic distribution are not the same. Public housing is mostly found in older industrial cities and the centers of cities where construction happened decades ago and not much new construction has happened in the last few years. Based on population-formula allocations, LIHTC has a wider geographic reach across urban, suburban, and rural markets in all states. The ways that management and oversight are set up are very different. Public housing authorities are government agencies that have to follow a lot of rules set by the federal government, civil service rules, rules about how to buy things, rules about how tenants can get involved, and rules about how local elected officials can watch over them. This makes things more complicated for the government, but it also makes sure that tenants have rights and that people are held accountable. State housing finance agencies keep an eye on LIHTC properties to make sure they follow the rules for tax credits, but these businesses have a lot of freedom when it comes to running their businesses. Fair housing laws still apply, but tenants don't have as many procedural protections as people who live in public housing. Long-term sustainability models pose distinct challenges. Public housing is getting worse because it doesn't have enough money to keep up with the costs of running it. PHAs can't keep up with the costs of running old buildings on limited operating subsidies. HUD's HOPE VI and Choice Neighborhoods programs tore down thousands of rundown public housing units and built new ones with a mix of incomes, often with LIHTC financing. Many people who work for housing rights say that the federal government should give a lot more money to public housing for repairs and new buildings. LIHTC properties have private ownership incentives to keep property values high, but they worry about affordability ending when the 30-year restrictions end. The Lafayette Square Institute says that more than 400,000 LIHTC units are at risk of becoming too expensive to live in within ten years, so they need to be protected. Some people who support housing say that LIHTC lets private companies make money off of federal subsidies, while public housing keeps units in public ownership forever. The move from public housing to LIHTC in the 1980s was based on a bipartisan political agreement that market-based solutions were better than government ownership. This was because people believed that private management would improve property quality and efficiency, and because they wanted to mix affordable housing with people of different incomes instead of concentrating poverty in public housing projects. People are still debating whether this change made things better. LIHTC has built a lot more units than public housing has in the past few decades, and it has avoided some of the problems with concentrated poverty that public housing has had. Critics, on the other hand, say that LIHTC serves fewer low-income families than public housing, doesn't guarantee long-term affordability as well, and lets private companies make money off of public subsidies. Some supporters want to combine LIHTC financing with public housing rehabilitation, greatly expanding both programs to meet the need for affordable housing. They also want to use social housing models from other countries that mix public ownership with mixed-income tenancy.

Federal rules limit rent increases in LIHTC properties by setting a maximum rent based on the area median income. However, landlords can and do raise rents from time to time within these limits, especially when HUD publishes new income limits each year that usually raise the maximum rent allowed under the AMI formula. To understand how rent increases work in LIHTC housing, you need to know how federal rent caps, yearly updates to income limits, lease terms, state and local rent control laws, and property-specific rules all work together. Federal LIHTC rules say that the highest rent for each unit is 30% of the applicable AMI percentage for the income limit for that unit. For instance, a unit with a 60% AMI limit in an area where 60% AMI for the right size household is $36,000 can't charge more than $10,800 a year or $900 a month, which includes utilities. This is the highest amount that the law allows, not the rent that is actually charged. If market conditions or operating budgets allow, properties can charge less than the maximum amount. Every spring, HUD puts out new income limits that usually go up because of inflation and wage growth. These limits usually go into effect on April 1. When income limits go up, the maximum rents that LIHTC formulas allow also go up by the same amount. Then, depending on the terms of the lease and the notice requirements, the property can raise rents up to the new ceilings. Landlords don't have to charge the highest rents, though, and they can keep rents the same even if limits go up. Lease agreements spell out when and how landlords can raise rents. Most LIHTC properties have one-year leases with rents that stay the same for the whole lease term. Most landlords give tenants 30 to 60 days' written notice before the lease is up and any rent increase goes into effect. Some leases have specific rules about how much rent can go up at renewal. For example, they might say that rent can only go up by 3% to 5% a year. If they exist, state and local rent control or rent stabilization laws may put more limits on rent increases than the federal LIHTC rules do. Cities like New York, San Francisco, and Los Angeles have rent control laws that can stop LIHTC rent increases even when federal limits would allow bigger ones. Always find out if your property is subject to local rent control. Landlords can't raise the rent in the middle of a lease without the tenant's permission, except in very rare cases that are spelled out in the lease, like adding more people or pets that aren't allowed. Any rent increase during the lease must be agreed upon by both parties and may require a signed lease amendment. Landlords must give tenants proper notice of rent increases at least 30 days before the lease ends, according to state law and the terms of the lease. Many states require a written notice of 30 to 60 days for renewing an annual lease. Some states require longer notice for bigger percentage increases. Landlords can't raise the rent without giving proper notice. Tenants who have to pay more rent have a few choices. You can talk to the landlord about the rent, especially if you've been a good tenant who pays on time and takes care of the unit. Some landlords will keep rent increases to a minimum for good tenants so they don't have to pay for new tenants. You can find out if the proposed increase is higher than the federal LIHTC rent limits by looking up the current HUD income limits for your area and household size and then calculating 30% of the AMI percentage that applies. If the proposed rent is higher than what the federal government allows, get in touch with the state housing finance agency that is in charge of making sure the property is LIHTC-compliant. If the price rise makes your current home too expensive, you can look at other LIHTC properties. However, moving is expensive and time-consuming. If you meet the requirements, you can get help with your rent through Section 8 vouchers, but the waiting lists are usually long. If you can show that rent increases are causing you financial trouble and you have health or disability issues, you may be able to get housing assistance under the Fair Housing Act. Fannie Mae's July 2024 report says that LIHTC rents have gone up over time along with rising area median incomes. However, in most metropolitan areas, they are still much lower than market rents. LIHTC rents on the West Coast are usually 50% of market rates, which means that there are big discounts that last even when prices go up from time to time. As rents go up, affordability becomes more of a problem in Midwestern markets where the difference between LIHTC caps and market rents is smaller. For families with very low incomes, especially those making 30% of the area median income (AMI) or less and living in units limited to 60% of the AMI, rent increases after income limit changes can make it very hard for them to afford their homes because their incomes may not rise as quickly as the area median incomes. This shows how important it is to have income-based rental assistance programs like Section 8 that work with LIHTC housing to keep housing affordable for the poorest families. If you think your landlord raised your rent illegally or didn't follow LIHTC rules, you should get in touch with your state's housing finance agency's compliance division. You will need to show them your lease, the notice of the rent increase, and calculations that show the increase is more than what is allowed by federal law. If properties go over the allowed maximums, compliance agencies can look into the violations and order corrective action, which may include lowering rents. You can also talk to tenant rights groups or legal aid lawyers to find out about local protections that might apply to your case in addition to federal LIHTC rules.